This is a blog for a community of students in Sociology 101A: "Sociological Theory," in the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, Fall, 2008.
Friday, November 21, 2008
Luxemburg & Lenin
Rosa Luxemburg is a Revolutionary Marxist who says what she feels is right, even if her ideas are different from her colleagues.
At the beginning of the film, Rosa Luxemburg believes that they are in a revolutionary position and as a Marxist, saw the importance of participation from the working class. The leaders of the German Democratic Party, conversely, disagreed with Luxemburg’s choice of time. Luxemburg wanted to stage a mass strike before the eventual war even started. Kautsky, on the other hand, believes that they should wait until class struggle reaches its limits, as Marx advises (Marx 5). Bernstein on the other hand, who claims to not be a Marxist or a revolutionist, believes that the situation will evolve and fix itself.
However, Luxemburg later changes her stance, admitting that a premature revolution would not be successful. She agrees with Marx that the crises must “fetter” before there can be a revolution, which will lead to the inevitable destruction of capitalism (Marx 5). This is the best “stage” (Marx 192) for the proletariat to revolt because by the time the crises “fetters,” the mode of production becomes exhausted and can no longer develop (Marx 5); thereby, paving way for the working class to revolt.
Unlike Luxemburg, or Marx for that matter, Lenin doesn’t believe that there is necessarily a right “stage” in the crises to revolt, because his theory doesn’t rely on a crisis as a platform to reach communism from capitalism. Lenin believes that in order to reach (socialism then) communism, the State must be violently destroyed in order to eliminate class struggle (Lenin 315), because to Lenin, the State is the organ of repression (Lenin 320). Rosa Luxemburg, on the other hand, believes that it is a bad idea to eliminate parliament; that the State and class struggle must coexist together. Luxemburg believes that together, a political and economic struggle can build solidarity. Nevertheless, Lenin and Luxemburg do agree that a revolution is necessary for the transition to socialism.
This is the informal blog spot for errant questions, random ramblings, and clever musings. For the rest of the semester, we'll use this blog to clarify the work(s) of Lenin, Gramsci and Fanon. Feel free to endlessly post, and don't forget: Theory Rocks!
Will Obama bring the U.S. closer to socialism?
Obama: A Traditional or Organic Intellectual?
Grappling with Gramsci
"The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist in eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor, organizer, 'permanent persuader' and not just a simple orator (but superior at the same time to the abstract mathematical spirit) ..." (Prison Notebooks, 10).
"The relationship between the intellectuals and the world of production is not as direct as it is with the fundamental social groups but is, in varying degrees, 'mediated' by the whole fabric of society and by the complex of superstructures, of which the intellectual are, precisely, the 'functionaries'" (Prison Notebooks 12).
"The superstructure of civil society are like the trench-systems of modern warfare. In war it would sometimes happen that a fierce artillery attack seemed to have destroyed the outer perimeter; and at the moment of their advance and attack the assailants would find themselves confronted by a line of defense which was still effective" (Prison Notebooks 235).
"The massive structures of modern democracies, both as State organizations, and as complexes of associations in civil society, constitute for the art of politics as it were the 'trenches' and the permanent fortifications of the front in the war of position ..." (Prison Notebooks 243).
"... [I]t is obvious that all the essential questions of sociology are nothing other than the questions of political science" (Prison Notebooks 244).
"As long as the class-State exists the regulated society cannot exist, other than metaphorically---i.e. only in the sense that the class-State too is a regulated society" (Prison Notebooks 257).
What did you think of the Rosa Luxemburg film?
Oh No He Didn't: Endless, Evolving and Perplexing Lenin Quotables
"We are in favour of a democratic republic as the best form of state for the proletariat under capitalism" (The State and Revolution, 323).
"Simultaneously with an immense expansion of democracy, which for the first time become democracy for the poor, democracy for the people, and not democracy for the money-bags, the dictatorship of the proletariat imposes a series of restrictions on the freedom of the oppressors, the exploiters, the capitalists. We must suppress them in order to free humanity from wage slavery, their resistance must be crushed by force; it is clear that there is no freedom and no democracy where there is suppression and where there is violence" (The State and Revolution, 373).
"The expression 'the state withers away' is very well chosen, for it indicates both the gradual and the spontaneous nature of the process. Only habit can, and undoubtedly will, have such an effect ..." (The State and Revolution, 374).
1 comment:
At the beginning of the film, Rosa Luxemburg believes that they are in a revolutionary position and as a Marxist, saw the importance of participation from the working class. The leaders of the German Democratic Party, conversely, disagreed with Luxemburg’s choice of time. Luxemburg wanted to stage a mass strike before the eventual war even started. Kautsky, on the other hand, believes that they should wait until class struggle reaches its limits, as Marx advises (Marx 5). Bernstein on the other hand, who claims to not be a Marxist or a revolutionist, believes that the situation will evolve and fix itself.
However, Luxemburg later changes her stance, admitting that a premature revolution would not be successful. She agrees with Marx that the crises must “fetter” before there can be a revolution, which will lead to the inevitable destruction of capitalism (Marx 5). This is the best “stage” (Marx 192) for the proletariat to revolt because by the time the crises “fetters,” the mode of production becomes exhausted and can no longer develop (Marx 5); thereby, paving way for the working class to revolt.
Unlike Luxemburg, or Marx for that matter, Lenin doesn’t believe that there is necessarily a right “stage” in the crises to revolt, because his theory doesn’t rely on a crisis as a platform to reach communism from capitalism. Lenin believes that in order to reach (socialism then) communism, the State must be violently destroyed in order to eliminate class struggle (Lenin 315), because to Lenin, the State is the organ of repression (Lenin 320). Rosa Luxemburg, on the other hand, believes that it is a bad idea to eliminate parliament; that the State and class struggle must coexist together. Luxemburg believes that together, a political and economic struggle can build solidarity. Nevertheless, Lenin and Luxemburg do agree that a revolution is necessary for the transition to socialism.
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