This is a blog for a community of students in Sociology 101A: "Sociological Theory," in the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, Fall, 2008.
Thursday, November 20, 2008
Obama and Lenin
Lenin would support some of Obama's views like redistributing wealth, however, he would believe that Obama's ideology was not extreme enough to lead to communism.
Lenin would support many of Obama’s views because they have similar economic plans and ideology. Both Lenin and Obama see that there are class antagonisms and a need for change. Obama sees need for the government to act and fix these class antagonisms by redistributing wealth through taxes. Similarly, Lenin believes the state’s function is to regulate class struggle. In the democracy Obama will lead, citizens will have the right to vote, organize, and speak freely. Lenin’s idea of democracy has the same characteristics (319).
Lenin says this democracy is the best shell for capitalism because there is an illusion that the people participating in voting have power and hope to change things. It also reproduces class domination in respective of those who lead parliament. This is similar to the illusion that people believe if Obama wins he will change capitalism, although it may be just a misapprehension. Democracy also serves as the best shell for the proletariat because it leaves them breathing room to organize and talk about ideas openly. Capitalist democracy provides for struggle and serves as a vehicle for oppression.
One of the state’s functions for both Lenin and Obama is to limit class struggle. They both have a set of regressive institutions to police men and women. The working class would support both Lenin and Obama because they have an electoral democracy and believe they can change the way things are by voting for someone. Lenin’s idea of elected officials is similar to the democracy Obama leads; however, officials are not paid wage labor. In both societies, officials are subject to recall. Lenin might not like Obama because he is still part of the 1,000 threads and the capitalist class (342, 323, 360, 382).
Lenin would support Obama’s economic policies because they both somewhat want to equalize wealth. Lenin wants to eliminate exploitation and have people produce to their abilities and receive according to how much work they do. Obama wants to redistribute wealth by ultimately taxing the very rich and distribute surplus amongst the middle and lower classes. Obama does not necessarily have an idea of a planned economy like Lenin does, where people decide what they want to produce and who produces it. Because there is still inequality in Obama and Lenin’s early ideologies, there is still a sense of bourgeoisie right (377). On the contrary, Obama does not eliminate stocks or private property and Lenin might not agree with him on these actions.
Lenin would disagree with Obama because Lenin’s ultimate goal is to get rid of the state, which Obama does not desire. Obama does not want communism, he wants to shorten the gaps between classes. Overall, Lenin is more of an extremist than Obama. Obama does not want to use force to get rid of the bourgeoisie or move from democracy to communism.
I forgot to add my response to Lenin which would be:
Lenin's ideology is too extreme. It is natural for there to be a division of classes and nothing is going to get rif of them. We need a dominate class to organize society, just as we need leaders to lead us.I agree with Obama's less extreme ideas of redistributing wealth.
This is the informal blog spot for errant questions, random ramblings, and clever musings. For the rest of the semester, we'll use this blog to clarify the work(s) of Lenin, Gramsci and Fanon. Feel free to endlessly post, and don't forget: Theory Rocks!
Will Obama bring the U.S. closer to socialism?
Obama: A Traditional or Organic Intellectual?
Grappling with Gramsci
"The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist in eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor, organizer, 'permanent persuader' and not just a simple orator (but superior at the same time to the abstract mathematical spirit) ..." (Prison Notebooks, 10).
"The relationship between the intellectuals and the world of production is not as direct as it is with the fundamental social groups but is, in varying degrees, 'mediated' by the whole fabric of society and by the complex of superstructures, of which the intellectual are, precisely, the 'functionaries'" (Prison Notebooks 12).
"The superstructure of civil society are like the trench-systems of modern warfare. In war it would sometimes happen that a fierce artillery attack seemed to have destroyed the outer perimeter; and at the moment of their advance and attack the assailants would find themselves confronted by a line of defense which was still effective" (Prison Notebooks 235).
"The massive structures of modern democracies, both as State organizations, and as complexes of associations in civil society, constitute for the art of politics as it were the 'trenches' and the permanent fortifications of the front in the war of position ..." (Prison Notebooks 243).
"... [I]t is obvious that all the essential questions of sociology are nothing other than the questions of political science" (Prison Notebooks 244).
"As long as the class-State exists the regulated society cannot exist, other than metaphorically---i.e. only in the sense that the class-State too is a regulated society" (Prison Notebooks 257).
What did you think of the Rosa Luxemburg film?
Oh No He Didn't: Endless, Evolving and Perplexing Lenin Quotables
"We are in favour of a democratic republic as the best form of state for the proletariat under capitalism" (The State and Revolution, 323).
"Simultaneously with an immense expansion of democracy, which for the first time become democracy for the poor, democracy for the people, and not democracy for the money-bags, the dictatorship of the proletariat imposes a series of restrictions on the freedom of the oppressors, the exploiters, the capitalists. We must suppress them in order to free humanity from wage slavery, their resistance must be crushed by force; it is clear that there is no freedom and no democracy where there is suppression and where there is violence" (The State and Revolution, 373).
"The expression 'the state withers away' is very well chosen, for it indicates both the gradual and the spontaneous nature of the process. Only habit can, and undoubtedly will, have such an effect ..." (The State and Revolution, 374).
2 comments:
Lenin would support many of Obama’s views because they have similar economic plans and ideology. Both Lenin and Obama see that there are class antagonisms and a need for change. Obama sees need for the government to act and fix these class antagonisms by redistributing wealth through taxes. Similarly, Lenin believes the state’s function is to regulate class struggle. In the democracy Obama will lead, citizens will have the right to vote, organize, and speak freely. Lenin’s idea of democracy has the same characteristics (319).
Lenin says this democracy is the best shell for capitalism because there is an illusion that the people participating in voting have power and hope to change things. It also reproduces class domination in respective of those who lead parliament. This is similar to the illusion that people believe if Obama wins he will change capitalism, although it may be just a misapprehension. Democracy also serves as the best shell for the proletariat because it leaves them breathing room to organize and talk about ideas openly. Capitalist democracy provides for struggle and serves as a vehicle for oppression.
One of the state’s functions for both Lenin and Obama is to limit class struggle. They both have a set of regressive institutions to police men and women. The working class would support both Lenin and Obama because they have an electoral democracy and believe they can change the way things are by voting for someone. Lenin’s idea of elected officials is similar to the democracy Obama leads; however, officials are not paid wage labor. In both societies, officials are subject to recall. Lenin might not like Obama because he is still part of the 1,000 threads and the capitalist class (342, 323, 360, 382).
Lenin would support Obama’s economic policies because they both somewhat want to equalize wealth. Lenin wants to eliminate exploitation and have people produce to their abilities and receive according to how much work they do. Obama wants to redistribute wealth by ultimately taxing the very rich and distribute surplus amongst the middle and lower classes. Obama does not necessarily have an idea of a planned economy like Lenin does, where people decide what they want to produce and who produces it. Because there is still inequality in Obama and Lenin’s early ideologies, there is still a sense of bourgeoisie right (377). On the contrary, Obama does not eliminate stocks or private property and Lenin might not agree with him on these actions.
Lenin would disagree with Obama because Lenin’s ultimate goal is to get rid of the state, which Obama does not desire. Obama does not want communism, he wants to shorten the gaps between classes. Overall, Lenin is more of an extremist than Obama. Obama does not want to use force to get rid of the bourgeoisie or move from democracy to communism.
I forgot to add my response to Lenin which would be:
Lenin's ideology is too extreme. It is natural for there to be a division of classes and nothing is going to get rif of them. We need a dominate class to organize society, just as we need leaders to lead us.I agree with Obama's less extreme ideas of redistributing wealth.
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